India at the 2025 SCO Summit: Security, Connectivity, and Opportunity in a Shifting World Order.

Introduction: Why the SCO Matters for India in 2025

The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) has often been described as a security club or a geopolitical counterweight to Western institutions. But for India, its significance is far more nuanced. The 2025 SCO Summit in Tian jin was not just about photo opportunities with China’s Xi Jinping or Russia’s Vladimir Putin. It was about positioning India in a complex Eurasian landscape while protecting its core interests: security, connectivity, and economic opportunity.

At a time when global alignments are shifting and regional rivalries remain raw, the summit revealed both the potential and the limits of India’s engagement with the SCO.

The Evolution of the SCO: From Security Club to Multipurpose Forum

The SCO was founded in 2001 as an outgrowth of the “Shanghai Five,” focusing primarily on border security and counter-terrorism. Over the years, its agenda has broadened to cover trade, infrastructure, energy, and cultural exchanges.

Membership today includes China, Russia, India, Pakistan, Iran, and the Central Asian republics.

Geopolitical weight: the SCO spans nearly 40% of the world’s population and a fifth of global GDP.

India’s entry in 2017 marked a recognition that New Delhi could not ignore a forum shaping Eurasian security and trade norms.

For India, the SCO is not an ideological club but a functional platform—a space where it can safeguard its interests while avoiding strategic isolation.

The 2025 Tian jin Summit: Optics vs. Outcomes

The Tian jin summit in August 2025 attracted global attention, largely because of the optics: Prime Minister Modi standing alongside Xi and Putin during a period of tense Sino-Indian relations and strained Russia-West ties.

Yet beyond the optics, the outcomes revealed India’s careful calibration.

India reaffirmed its three-pillar approach: Security, Connectivity, and Opportunity.

New Delhi pressed for stronger joint action on terrorism, a transparent framework for regional infrastructure, and WTO-consistent trade rules.

India avoided being drawn into anti-West rhetoric while still engaging constructively with SCO partners.

This balancing act illustrates India’s foreign policy doctrine: strategic autonomy—choosing cooperation without alignment, partnership without dependency.

Security: Counter-Terrorism and Stability First

For India, security remains the top priority within the SCO. Terrorism, radicalisation, and drug trafficking directly threaten India’s internal and regional stability.

At Tian jin, India reiterated that terrorism must be addressed “in all its manifestations.”

India has supported joint military exercises and intelligence sharing, but it has also resisted any SCO language that appears biased or dismissive of cross-border terrorism targeting India.

Earlier in 2025, India refused to sign an SCO defence ministers’ statement that ignored attacks in Kashmir—signalling that it will not compromise on sovereignty or national security.

The challenge: while SCO mechanisms provide a platform for dialogue, divergent national interests often blunt their effectiveness. China and Pakistan’s stances on terrorism, for instance, frequently clash with India’s perspective

Connectivity: Between Opportunity and Caution

Connectivity is the SCO’s buzzword, but it is also one of the most contested issues.

China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) dominates SCO conversations on infrastructure.

Pakistan champions the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which India oppose because it passes through disputed territory.

India instead argues for transparent, debt-sustainable, and sovereignty-respecting projects.

The Tian jin summit highlighted this divide. While Beijing pushed its infrastructure agenda, India used the platform to call for standards-based connectivity that benefits all without creating dependency traps.

India’s approach is to build coalitions around alternative connectivity models, linking Central Asia to South Asia through secure and economically viable corridors.

Economic Opportunity: Turning Dialogue into Deals

While security dominates headlines, India is equally focused on unlocking economic opportunity in the SCO.

The grouping covers energy-rich Central Asia and fast-growing consumer markets.

India pushed for trade rules anchored in WTO principles to prevent protectionist or politically motivated restrictions.

Areas of Indian strength—IT services, pharmaceuticals, digital infrastructure, and green energy—were pitched as engines of cooperation.

The summit outcomes were modest, but India successfully kept economic cooperation high on the agenda, positioning itself as a credible partner rather than a passive participant.

The Balancing Act: Navigating China, Russia, and the West

India’s engagement with the SCO is not just about Eurasia—it’s also about balancing its global relationships.

With China: Relations remain tense after the Ladakh border crisis, but the SCO provides a space for controlled engagement.

With Russia: Moscow remains a strategic partner, particularly in energy and defence, but its growing closeness with Beijing complicates India’s position.

With the West: India continues to deepen ties with the U.S., EU, and Indo-Pacific partners while avoiding being seen as part of an anti-West bloc at the SCO.

The Tian jin summit underscored India’s ability to walk the tightrope: present enough to matter, independent enough to avoid entanglement.

Three Things India Should Do Next To convert summit diplomacy into strategic gains, India should focus on three practical moves:

Institutionalise Counter-Terror Mechanisms;

Move beyond joint statements toward binding cooperation on intelligence-sharing, extradition, and financial tracking of terror networks.

Push for SCO Connectivity Standards;

Lead the drafting of a “SCO Code of Conduct for Infrastructure,” setting rules on procurement, finance, environmental impact, and dispute resolution.

Leverage Trade Policy for Sectoral Gains;

Use SCO trade forums to expand Indian exports in pharmaceuticals, IT services, and renewable energy—sectors that serve both India’s strengths and regional demand.

Why the SCO is Both a Challenge and an Opportunity

The SCO is messy, diverse, and often paralysed by conflicting interests. Yet it remains a critical arena for India.

Challenge: India must manage disagreements with China and Pakistan while preventing the forum from becoming a stage for anti-India rhetoric.

Opportunity: The SCO gives India access to Central Asian markets, a platform to press counter-terrorism concerns, and a voice in Eurasian connectivity debates.

By sticking to its three-pillar framework, India can transform a complex forum into a tool for advancing its national agenda.

Conclusion: India’s SCO Strategy for the Future

The Tian jin summit showed that India will neither abandon the SCO nor embrace it uncritically. Instead, New Delhi is carving out a third path: staying engaged, picking its battles, and pushing for tangible outcomes.

The measure of success will not be the group photos of Modi with Xi and Putin, but whether India can:

Secure more effective counter-terror cooperation,

Build fair rules for connectivity projects, and

Expand trade opportunities with Eurasia.

In a world of shifting alliances, the SCO gives India a seat at the table. The challenge is ensuring that the conversations around that table lead to outcomes that serve India’s people and protect its interests.

The insight review 

Upasna Sharma